Province’s economic plan full of false hope

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False hope is always based on false assumptions. Welcome to Manitoba government’s new economic development strategy. False hope that this strategy will make Manitoba a ‘have’ province within 15 years, by 2040. And false assumptions that this conventional, bigger government approach is enough to break the province’s enduring financial dependence on equalization.

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Opinion

False hope is always based on false assumptions. Welcome to Manitoba government’s new economic development strategy. False hope that this strategy will make Manitoba a ‘have’ province within 15 years, by 2040. And false assumptions that this conventional, bigger government approach is enough to break the province’s enduring financial dependence on equalization.

As written, the document is a ramshackle affair. It confuses strategies with objectives, pillars with outcomes. Replete with earnest phrasing, it contains zero actual analysis of the economic and financial conditions challenging the province. That comes later, it says.

No measurement indicators of progress are offered. No specific economic goals are set to guide actions. It speaks of the importance of “bench-marking against the best-in-class” economies and sectors, yet offers no specifics of where Manitoba is doing this.

Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew’s government has announced its intent to make this a “have” province in 15 years, but David McLaughlin writes that its economic strategy doesn’t inspire confidence. (Mike Deal/Winnipeg Free Press files)

Manitoba Premier Wab Kinew’s government has announced its intent to make this a “have” province in 15 years, but David McLaughlin writes that its economic strategy doesn’t inspire confidence. (Mike Deal/Winnipeg Free Press files)

The current Trump tariff crisis and economic uncertainty are noted only in passing, a gob-smacking omission. Removing interprovincial trade barriers is referenced once and only in relation to agriculture. It’s as if the past eight months never happened in Manitoba.

It didn’t have to be. The strategy starts out promisingly enough by identifying the need for greater business productivity, quoting approvingly a speech by the Deputy Governor of the Bank of Canada on its importance. But it then fails to follow her advice on how to become more productive: “But if I had to pick the biggest concern in this area, I’d say it’s competition. Simply put, businesses become more productive when they’re exposed to competition.” The word “competitiveness” appears just twice in the strategy’s almost 40 pages.

What governments say shows how important things are to them. So too does what they don’t say. It’s a tell. There are plenty of ‘tells’ in this strategy document. For one, there is no mention of general tax relief for businesses to help them grow, underlining this will not be a priority. Missing in action is any reference to the importance of eliminating the provincial deficit or directing new spending to economic growth priorities, as business leaders are demanding of the federal government.

Equally telling is the walk-back on clean growth. Nowhere can you find the words climate change or low-carbon economy. This government’s economic vision sees no clean, green economic advantage flowing from the country’s cleanest electricity grid, despite promising to “create a roadmap to meet net-zero targets by 2050,” “make our energy grid net-zero by 2035” and “make Manitoba a climate leader and a desirable location for new business and low-carbon industries.” Prime Minister Mark Carney is taking heat these days from climate activists for not prioritizing climate action; perhaps they should be introduced to Premier Wab Kinew.

Not to say there are no good ideas in the strategy. A capital assistance program for business investment, consolidating the manufacturing investment tax credit into a single retail sales tax exemption, and raising the small business venture capital tax credit are all useful. Having an inventory of investment-ready sites and a new apprenticeship system offer potential too. Most actions, though, are too vague to evaluate for anything but good intentions or are indirectly related, such as child care.

In the end, this document is more marketing-driven than mission-orientated. At no place does the strategy spell out how its initiatives will contribute to the goal of becoming a ‘have’ province in a short decade and a half. Economic theory tells us that poorer economies tend to grow faster than richer ones, gradually narrowing and even eliminating income disparities over time. This is called “convergence.” It occurs due to the more impactful ‘catch-up’ effect of physical capital investment in poorer economies than mature, steady-state economies.

To reach the goal of becoming a ‘have’ province, Manitoba needs to grow its economy at a faster rate than the national economy year-after-year, on a sustained basis. In the past 20 years, Manitoba’s real economic growth has exceeded Canada’s in only eight years, or 40 per cent of the time. Last year, Manitoba lagged all other provinces in economic growth. This year, real GDP growth has already been revised downward from 1.7 per cent to 1.2 per cent. Next year, it is forecast at 1.1 per cent. This isn’t catching up; this is falling behind.

If Manitoba grew on average at two per cent per year while Canada’s economy grew on average at 1.5 per cent per year, it would take until the 2060s for the province to become a ‘have’ province. That’s two decades more than the government says it needs. To meet a 2040s target, Manitoba would have to grow its economy at least a full percentage point more than the rest of the country. This has occurred only once in the past 20 years.

Ominously, it is the public sector not private sector investment that is driving most of Manito-ba’s growth, as TD Economics wrote: “Manitoba’s public sector looks to be doing the heavy lifting for growth this year and could contribute more than half of the province’s 2025 GDP growth.” This is the exact opposite of what needs to occur.

It is good to be ambitious. Governments should have goals. But those goals need to be realistic and achievable, not just desirable. Otherwise, public trust erodes.

Telling voters that Manitoba is on a viable pathway to get off equalization with this economic development strategy is abject nonsense. A bold goal without bold backup is simply hype disguised as hope.

» David McLaughlin is a former clerk of the executive council and cabinet secretary in the Manitoba government. This column was previously published in the Winnipeg Free Press.

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